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A look at national security @75.
As India celebrates 75 years of Independence with ‘Har Ghar Tiranga’ and nationalism fervour, it is also appropriate to take dispassionate stock of our national security. The first and foremost is that it is more confident India, which is focused on national interest, rather than fuzzy idealism of Panchsheel variety. Resultantly, India is displaying greater strategic autonomy and dexterity to be balancer in geopolitical quagmire of the US-Russia-Ukraine conflict, Indo-Pacific and Middle East, particularly the US-Iran power play.
In regional milieu, notwithstanding Saarc being comatose, India is inching towards being the net provider of security, disaster relief and succour. We have regained relevance in Afghanistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh, with Bhutan remaining reliable ally. Globally also, the India’s armed forces have carved out niche presence in peace keeping, high altitude warfare, training and low cost improvisation, referred to as ‘jugaad’. While China and Pakistan remain as adversaries, inter se priority is shuffled, China being designated as principal one and collusive threat by both, an increasingly distinct possibility. Myanmar under military junta also remains serious concern.
National security being derivative of Comprehensive National Power (CNP), there is debate on identifying institutions that have shaped our nation. Those included are — Parliament, Supreme Court, Election Commission, President and council of ministers. This listing omits the most revered institution, the Armed Forces, that have fought four and half wars, despite lack of modernisation and delivered against tremendous odds. Starting with Hyderabad, Goa, Siachen and combating multiple insurgencies, it has held together and fostered the concept of nation-state. The biggest bulwark of our democracy is that unlike our neighbours, Indian Army has remained largely apolitical and respects constitutional norms. It is equally unfortunate that we still allow bureaucracy to overplay coup syndrome thereby preventing direct communication between political and military hierarchies.
It is inexplicable that with plethora of commissions, the- re is none to deal with myriad problems of veterans. We have surfeit of universities but National Defence University (NDU) is yet to be designated. Rashtriya Raksha University (RRU) remains an interim arrangement and unlike most contemporary NDUs, its location and structure need rationalisation. We have created structures like National Security Advisor and two separate national coordinators for maritime and cyber security with associated security structures. Yet, we have not promulgated national security policy unlike others. It is also appropriate occasion to review continuation of Defence Planning Committee and check proliferation of multiple think tanks tackling same issues. It may also be worthwhile to reinvigorate National Security Advisory Board (NSAB).
The bold initiative of PM Narendra Modi in appointing Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) needs rebooting. The nation is waiting for the PM to announce next CDS, as apprehensions are building on the dilution and rethink on this signature reform. Inexplicable delay and inability to find next incumbent, despite broad-basing of eligibility pool is stalling process of integration and creation of joint theatre commands. Ideally, transparent norms should be promulgated to enable succession planning and quell unhealthy speculation.
Despite many shortcomings, there is increased masochism in our power projection. Coordinated cross-border raids (popularly referred to as surgical strikes), Balakot aerial strikes, Kailash quid pro quo (QPQ) pre-emotive deployment and zero tolerance on terrorism are new milestones. Unfortunately, we didn’t optimise our QPQ action by pre-mature vacation of hard earned and bold deployment. These actions have served to craft out nuanced space below much touted Pakistan nuclear red lines. Even targeting beyond Pak Occupied Kashmir has injected flexibility in calibrated targeting. From self-denial to celebration of World War centenary in 2014, golden jubilees of 1965 war in 2015 and 1971 war in 2021 and establishment of National War Memorial are indicative of this welcome trend.
AtamNirbhar mission is another focused initiative of earlier diffused weak forays in indigenisation. The most notable has been involving private industry specially in ammunition production and academia in development. Corporatisation of Ordnance Factories, accountability of DPSUs, DRDO and DGQA needs to be pushed and taken to verifiable logical conclusion. The quest to reduce dependencies is long haul, specially with technology denial regimes. In the interim model of collaborative development with reliable partners like Israel, Taiwan, Japan and Vietnam can result in Smart Atamnirbhar model.
As we get set for trajectory @100, it is axiomatic to redress our critical weaknesses. First is, our silo-based approach characterised by turf wars and resistance to integration. In a Whole of Nation mission, such debilitating malady has no place. Kargil Review Committee validated by GOM report has listed them. It is critical that ‘One BorderOne Force’ is not only implemented in joint integrated theatre but upgraded to ‘One Theatre-No Silos’. In envisaged model all services, CAPFs, intelligence and surveillance agencies should synergise under one theatre commander.
The second critical weakness running through our operational journey from 1965, Kargil to recent stand-off in Ladakh has been serial intelligence failures, specially inability to collate leading to correct analysis. While we have created agencies like DIA, NTRO, NIA and others but we need to upgrade synthesis and fusion of data, timely analytics and dissemination.
Third malady has been litany of missed opportunities, failure to exploit fleeting opportunities and press home the advantages gained. It has been compounded by failure to convert operational gains into biding agreements. Karachi agreement and Shimla accord are two such examples. Finally, despite fighting multiple internal challenges for six decades, we have not mastered intricate art of conflict resolution. It is time to ramp up socio-economic and political dimensions of resolution, to realise the vision of ‘Ek Bharat, Shreshta Bharat’.
Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author’s own.
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